The easiest way to add authentication and user management to your application. Purpose-built for React, Next.js, Remix, and “The Modern Web”.
I don't see any actual reviews or detailed social mentions about Clerk in the content you've provided. The only text appears to be an incomplete excerpt about New York City politics and housing policy, which doesn't contain any information about Clerk software or user opinions about it. To provide a meaningful summary of user sentiment about Clerk, I would need to see actual user reviews, ratings, social media posts, or forum discussions that specifically mention the Clerk platform and users' experiences with it. Could you please share the relevant reviews and social mentions about Clerk?
Mentions (30d)
1
Reviews
0
Platforms
2
Sentiment
0%
0 positive
I don't see any actual reviews or detailed social mentions about Clerk in the content you've provided. The only text appears to be an incomplete excerpt about New York City politics and housing policy, which doesn't contain any information about Clerk software or user opinions about it. To provide a meaningful summary of user sentiment about Clerk, I would need to see actual user reviews, ratings, social media posts, or forum discussions that specifically mention the Clerk platform and users' experiences with it. Could you please share the relevant reviews and social mentions about Clerk?
Features
Industry
information technology & services
Employees
210
Funding Stage
Series C
Total Funding
$109.0M
The Power of Homeownership in New York
Zohran Mamdani ran for mayor of New York City as a relentless champion of tenants, promising to freeze rents and attack bad landlords. For his fellow members of the Democratic Socialists of America, advocating for tenants means [something more radical](https://housing.dsausa.org/socialhousing/): maligning homeownership as capitalistic and inherently inequitable. Cea Weaver, the new director of the Mayor’s Office to Protect Tenants, once declared it “[a weapon of white supremacy](https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/01/06/mamdani-weaver-mayor-nyc-housing/).” (She apologized, sort of. That’s not “how I would say things today,” she said after getting appointed.) Mamdani has pointedly distanced himself from such statements. He has noted that he once worked as a foreclosure-prevention counselor at a nonprofit, where “my job each and every day was to keep low-to-middle-income homeowners in Queens in their homes,” [he said](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FAFLdngFgGY), adding that homeownership is a “critical pathway” to financial stability. The question is what policies he will pursue. In a move that seems intended as a bargaining chip with the state legislature, he recently floated a property-tax increase that would fall heavily on homeowners. What seems to elude Weaver and the DSA—and what one hopes Mamdani understands—is a simple idea: that there is a transformative, even progressive, power in owning a home, especially for working-class people. Few better examples of this exist than the construction of thousands of houses in East Brooklyn decades ago—a project that changed many lives, revitalized a struggling neighborhood, and entailed precisely the sort of hard-nosed organizing that the mayor appreciates. *[[Read: The question-mark mayoralty](https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-new-york-policies/685438/)]* In the early 1980s, when I was a [tenant organizer](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/02/mamdani-tenant-organizing-affordable-housing/685951/) in Brooklyn’s predominantly Black East Flatbush neighborhood, a local minister told me about a plan to build single-family homes in nearby Brownsville. I stifled my disbelief. Only a few weeks earlier, a tenant leader and I had stood on the roof of her building and looked eastward toward Brownsville, watching as a fire consumed an apartment building—an arsonist had set it alight. Brownsville at that time was synonymous with desolation, a poor Black and Latino neighborhood afflicted by murder and policed by corrupt cops. It had many acres of abandoned buildings and rubble-strewn lots with waist-high weeds that had become an informal dumping ground for dead dogs and cats. Brownsville had lost [nearly 40 percent](https://urbanomnibus.net/2013/01/vacant-lots-then-and-now/) of its population in the preceding decade. Trying to build private homes, I thought, sounded preposterous*.*  Brownsville, Brooklyn, in 1972 (Winston Vargas / Flickr) I was too pessimistic. A few years earlier, a group of ministers had met in a church basement in Brownsville with [Edward Chambers](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/edward-chambers-community-organizings-unforgiving-hero), an organizer from the Industrial Areas Foundation. Based in Chicago, the IAF had been started in the 1940s by the tough-talking activist Saul Alinsky. Alinsky’s approach to organizing became axiomatic for IAF branches around the country: Teach people to wield power, and never do for others what they could do for themselves. The Brownsville ministers had seen their congregations shrivel. When I recently interviewed Bishop David Benke, a now-retired Lutheran minister, he recalled Chambers’s unsparing assessment: “He told us our neighborhood looked terrible and that it was burning to the ground. He also told us there’s a way out, and it’s a matter of life and death.” Chambers challenged the ministers to band together and try to save Brownsville. The first step was to line up several dozen churches and raise at least $200,000 from the headquarters of their various denominations. The ministers did so, and together formed East Brooklyn Congregations. The IAF [kicked in a grant](https://www.religion-online.org/article/churches-in-communities-a-place-to-stand/) from the United Church of Christ so that the group could hire staff, and Chambers worked shoulder to shoulder with them to launch organizing campaigns. The first of these targeted the basics. Vandals had pulled down nearly every street sign in Brownsville. The signs went back up. Then the group focused on local supermarkets by threatening boycotts. “The meat was green, and the lettuce was brown,” Benke told me. “Owners were short-weighting and overpricing. We changed that.” Next the ministers turned to the ambitious campaign that would make their name nationally and internationally. The large
View originalPricing found: $0/mo, $20, $0.02/mo, $75/mo, $10/mo
The Power of Homeownership in New York
Zohran Mamdani ran for mayor of New York City as a relentless champion of tenants, promising to freeze rents and attack bad landlords. For his fellow members of the Democratic Socialists of America, advocating for tenants means [something more radical](https://housing.dsausa.org/socialhousing/): maligning homeownership as capitalistic and inherently inequitable. Cea Weaver, the new director of the Mayor’s Office to Protect Tenants, once declared it “[a weapon of white supremacy](https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/01/06/mamdani-weaver-mayor-nyc-housing/).” (She apologized, sort of. That’s not “how I would say things today,” she said after getting appointed.) Mamdani has pointedly distanced himself from such statements. He has noted that he once worked as a foreclosure-prevention counselor at a nonprofit, where “my job each and every day was to keep low-to-middle-income homeowners in Queens in their homes,” [he said](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FAFLdngFgGY), adding that homeownership is a “critical pathway” to financial stability. The question is what policies he will pursue. In a move that seems intended as a bargaining chip with the state legislature, he recently floated a property-tax increase that would fall heavily on homeowners. What seems to elude Weaver and the DSA—and what one hopes Mamdani understands—is a simple idea: that there is a transformative, even progressive, power in owning a home, especially for working-class people. Few better examples of this exist than the construction of thousands of houses in East Brooklyn decades ago—a project that changed many lives, revitalized a struggling neighborhood, and entailed precisely the sort of hard-nosed organizing that the mayor appreciates. *[[Read: The question-mark mayoralty](https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-new-york-policies/685438/)]* In the early 1980s, when I was a [tenant organizer](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/02/mamdani-tenant-organizing-affordable-housing/685951/) in Brooklyn’s predominantly Black East Flatbush neighborhood, a local minister told me about a plan to build single-family homes in nearby Brownsville. I stifled my disbelief. Only a few weeks earlier, a tenant leader and I had stood on the roof of her building and looked eastward toward Brownsville, watching as a fire consumed an apartment building—an arsonist had set it alight. Brownsville at that time was synonymous with desolation, a poor Black and Latino neighborhood afflicted by murder and policed by corrupt cops. It had many acres of abandoned buildings and rubble-strewn lots with waist-high weeds that had become an informal dumping ground for dead dogs and cats. Brownsville had lost [nearly 40 percent](https://urbanomnibus.net/2013/01/vacant-lots-then-and-now/) of its population in the preceding decade. Trying to build private homes, I thought, sounded preposterous*.*  Brownsville, Brooklyn, in 1972 (Winston Vargas / Flickr) I was too pessimistic. A few years earlier, a group of ministers had met in a church basement in Brownsville with [Edward Chambers](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/edward-chambers-community-organizings-unforgiving-hero), an organizer from the Industrial Areas Foundation. Based in Chicago, the IAF had been started in the 1940s by the tough-talking activist Saul Alinsky. Alinsky’s approach to organizing became axiomatic for IAF branches around the country: Teach people to wield power, and never do for others what they could do for themselves. The Brownsville ministers had seen their congregations shrivel. When I recently interviewed Bishop David Benke, a now-retired Lutheran minister, he recalled Chambers’s unsparing assessment: “He told us our neighborhood looked terrible and that it was burning to the ground. He also told us there’s a way out, and it’s a matter of life and death.” Chambers challenged the ministers to band together and try to save Brownsville. The first step was to line up several dozen churches and raise at least $200,000 from the headquarters of their various denominations. The ministers did so, and together formed East Brooklyn Congregations. The IAF [kicked in a grant](https://www.religion-online.org/article/churches-in-communities-a-place-to-stand/) from the United Church of Christ so that the group could hire staff, and Chambers worked shoulder to shoulder with them to launch organizing campaigns. The first of these targeted the basics. Vandals had pulled down nearly every street sign in Brownsville. The signs went back up. Then the group focused on local supermarkets by threatening boycotts. “The meat was green, and the lettuce was brown,” Benke told me. “Owners were short-weighting and overpricing. We changed that.” Next the ministers turned to the ambitious campaign that would make their name nationally and internationally. The large
View originalYes, Clerk offers a free tier. Pricing found: $0/mo, $20, $0.02/mo, $75/mo, $10/mo
Key features include: Multifactor Authentication, Fraud and Abuse Prevention, Advanced security, Session Management, Social Sign-On, Bot Detection, Email and SMS one-time passcodes, Magic Links.
